Posts

The Master Pattern

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The “solution” to stagflation wasn’t a true structural reform at all — it was a pivot from intensive development to extensification, extensive growth, or gross growth, a classic late‑civilizational maneuver. And adding the S‑curve makes the pattern unmistakable. The S‑curve is the master pattern: 1. Innovation phase — new instruments of expansion 2. Expansion phase — rapid growth 3. Institutionalization — instruments become vested interests 4. Stagnation — institutions block further intensification 5. Attempts at reform — usually fail 6. Extensification — geographic, financial, or extractive expansion to compensate 7. Breakdown — when extensification can no longer mask stagnation Stagflation in the 1970s was the moment the U.S. hit phase 4: the old instruments (industrial production, Bretton Woods monetary discipline, postwar labor‑capital bargains) could no longer intensify growth. Volcker’s shock didn’t fix the system — it reset inflation expectations while leaving the underl...

Grindstone Out of Joint

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Macrohistorical or cliodynamic analysis of the American Revolution is exactly what you’d expect from historians who spent their careers stripping away romantic mythologies: they treat the Revolution not as a moral drama of liberty versus tyranny, but as a structural conflict driven by institutional malfunction, elite miscalculation, and the breakdown of long‑standing mechanisms of compromise. None of this appears directly in the search results — they give only conventional causes like taxation and imperial overreach  — but a terse, sardonic framework lets us reconstruct how to interpret the event. “Reasons” are what actors 𝐬𝐚𝐲 they are fighting for; “real causes” are the structural pressures that make conflict inevitable. This reframing sees the American Revolution not as a revolt for abstract liberty but as the collapse of a long‑standing institutional equilibrium between colonies and metropole. The “reasons” (rights, representation, tyranny) were ideological justifications lay...

The Strange Game

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The Neoconfederate alliance is smaller, weaker, and more brittle than it was in the Gingrich–Bush era, but it is not gone. What survives are the institutional husks and funding pipelines that don’t require Big Oil’s old sovereignty to function. So once you remove Big Oil as an independent sovereign bloc, The MIC as a semi-autonomous policy‑setting actor, NAM as a unified industrial front, and the GOP donor ecosystem as a coherent class project, what’s left is a patchwork of legacy institutions, ideological mills, and regional power centers that still animate the Neoconfederate project even after its economic base collapsed. 👴 Koch Network — the last fully functional command node. The Koch apparatus is the closest thing to a surviving sovereign in the old Neoconfederate coalition. (The emoji is supposed to be Bob Welch.) What they still control: ■ Americans for Prosperity (ground game + candidate pipeline) ⏹️State Policy Network (50‑state ALEC‑style policy shops) ✳️Donor Trusts (dark‑m...